Queen Victorias Effect on Britain

Queen capital of Seychelless Effect on BritainDid Queen capital of Seychelles leave her subjects in a develop condition in 1901 than when she entrap them in 1837?The strait-laced era was princip onlyy a time of shift, of brevity the translocation of a peck, disputed morally, kindlyly and in their religious beliefs, as never in mien. rest majestically above all this was the image of stability which Queen Victoria symbolised. The shift from the campestral breeding of the eighteenth blow and the Ro realitytic stool in the Arts which go with it was displaced and the creation in the industrial towns and cities freehanded to the point of overflowing, producing spends and sweatshops rather than the wealth and security that had been sought, with the Age of the Novel conglomerate with accessible issues as easy as establishing a novel literary genre. In 1837, when Victoria came to the thr peerless, these changes had already begun and by the time her sove rulety ended, i n 1901, more was ahead particularly if one considers the long nineteenth carbon which encompasses the pre-war divisions up to 1914. How far her people were in a better condition by the end of Victorias reign result be the subject of this essay, hearing at the idea via the different media of change evidenced in religion, literature, politics and related sociable issues as well as the Imperialism which the establish ment of the British monarch as the first Empress of India established.In many ways, it is trustworthy to say that Victoria presided over a renascence which had non been seen since her antecedent, Elizabeth, had been on the throne. The coincidence that a female monarch should cast been in place at some(prenominal) quantify of regeneration does not, however, entail a connective conditions were very different during Elizabeths reign, particularly in the area of social mobility and religious imperatives. The prissy era saw the sterling(prenominal) challenges to b oth of these that had ever been seen.The proceedment of the peasantry to the towns saw an enormous shift in both the physical location of the tribe and its imperatives. Much was lost, in impairment of tradition and permanence when the move to the cities occurred because most of those who did relocate in the confide of increasing their meagre in practices had never been farther than the next village before they moved and this had been the case for generations. Indeed, as early as the mid-nineteenth century novelists were apply the idea of the rural idyll to exemplify an ideal existence now lost1. This is evident in novels such as George Eliots ten the Vener subject Bede (1859) which was institute some fifty years before it was composeAs he reached the foot of the slope, an elderly vaulting horseman, with his portmanteau strapped behind him, stopped his horse when Adam had passed him, and turned round to buzz stumble another long look at the stalwart dissembleman in pape r cap, leather breeches, and dark-blue worsted stockings.2The mounted, unidentified and detached observer (a connective with the contemporary reader) takes a long look at the stalwart workingman in an elegiac emblem of the authors intent indoors the novel to learn a time now lost and the changes that were ab knocked out(p) to take place. Adam as a type of workman has been displaced and is no longer to be found and which re reads a longing for a return to old times and old days associated with the countryside which can be traced to the present day and sure enough becomes a primary informative, present in flora such as Flora Thompsons enduringly popular Larkrise to Candleford (1945) and further evidenced sluice in the work of such scientific novelists as H.G. Wells in his novel, The History of Mr Polly, and the character of Leonard Bast as well as the evocative, secluded rural setting in E.M. Forsters Howards End, both scripted in 1910.The novel likewise introduces the charac ter of a female preacher, a Dissenter, in other words a Methodist, and by cartel the two, Eliot shows that despite the loss of the life portrayed in her novel, there were substantiating challenges which changes such as the growing desire for the emancipation of women, at the fore depend of which was J.S. Mill3, and the need to find new ways of expressing religious sensibility.The ultimate challenge to religion, of course, was presented by the theories of evolution which were creation formulated in the 1860s. Although Charles Darwin is credited with having detect this, the work of such as Herbert Spencer, who actually coined the term survival of the fittest in his Principles of Biology (1864) which Darwin incorporated into a later edition of his own work, were also significant. Within his seminal The foundation of Species, first produce in 1859, Darwin introduced to the wider intro the then profoundly disturbing notion that man was not created whole and comp permite as the Bible relates exactly evolved and thus dispossessed an full(a) generation who had previously felt secure in the knowledge of god as their Creator (though Darwin uses this term himself many times within the work and does not deny the idea of a Creator directly4). It is a mistake, however, to start that Darwins ideas had much immediate egress on the population at large. Rather, its immediate afterwardmath may be discerned in the literature of the time, George Eliot, a close friend of Spencer, amongst these. Moreover, his published theories were simply an affirmation for many of a growing generic scepticism, such as doubting Thomas Hardy showsOn the last day of the year 1901 he makes the following reflection aft(prenominal) reading various philosophic systems, and being struck with their contradictions and futilities, I shake come to this Let every man make a school of thought for himself out of his own experience. He will not be able to escape using terms and phraseology fro m earlier philosophers, only when let him avoid adopting their theories if he values his own mental life. Let him reckon the fate of Coleridge, and carry through years of labour by working out his own views as given him by his surroundings.5However, just as the move from the towns to the cities subsequently produced a sense of loss, the disconnection with the certainty of divine creation also saw the longing for a mystical element to life once the divine had, in a sense, been removed from it seeking an harbour of mystery in the dreary desert of knowledge6. The disconnection resulted in the burgeoning of interest in Spiritualism which was witnessed at the end of the century, with personages as rarefied and respected as Rudyard Kipling not only interested and involved with this precisely also writing about it in stories such as the obscure They7 and imagination came to be seen as connected to the divine and dislocated by Darwins discoveries, Forster wrote in 1910 They collect f acts and facts and empires of facts. But which of them will re-kindle the light within?8However, the connection of facts with the denial of imagination had been discussed much earlier by the man who is above anyone the voice of the nineteenth century, Charles two. In his novel of 1854, Hard Times, he demonstrates the denial of the importance of fancy in Utilitarian educational methods and the pre-eminence of facts9. This he extends to the teaching methods used to train the teachers themselvesHe and some one century and forty other schoolmasters had been lately turned at the same time, in the same factory, on the same principles, like so many pianissimo legs. He had been put through an immense variety of paces, and had answered volumes of head-breaking questions. He had worked his unsmooth way into Her Majestys most Honourable Privy Councils Schedule B, and had taken the gush strike the higher branches of mathematics and physical science, French, German, Latin and Greek. Ah, ra ther overdone, MChoakum small fry. If he had only learnt a little less, how infinitely better he king arrive taught much more10 hellion the radical is less appreciated now than in his own time, as in subsequent centuries he has come to be seen simply as a master-story teller, which of course he was. However, this is to deny the way that the Tempter, as evidenced in this satirical plume at the Utilitarian movement, used his immense popularity in the cause of social reform. Indeed, in the early years of Victorias reign, he published his second and third novels, Oliver Twist (1837-9) and Nicholas Nickleby (1838-9). The first of these was concerned with the effects of the disreputable Poor Law and the 1834 amendment. It was widely believed that the abuse of this injured rather than helped the scant(p) and Dickens novel was intended to bring that to the notice of those who had the power to do something about it, as well as reaching the newly literate person lower echelons and lett ing them know they had someone who would speak for them, that their story, as Dickens remarked in his Preface to the 1867 edition, from thieves to prostitutes, was a TRUTH that needed to be told11. As his friend and first biographer remarkedHis qualities could be appreciated as well as felt in an almost equal degree by all circlees of his various readers.12Thus, as the novelist is known to get to said, by making people burster about one child, he index make them care about the many and this emanated from his own piteouss as a child exclusively in capital of the United Kingdom when his father was imprisoned for debt in the notorious Marshalsea (which was to domiciliate the setting for his later novel, Little Dorrit, 1857, though the six hundred year old prison closed in 1842) whence he was accompanied by his wife and younger children13. Dickens never spoke of the experience, save through his fiction, nor did he ever forget it.In Nicholas Nickleby and the creation of Dotheboys Hall, Dickens continued to exercise his creative power to bring to the attention of his readers the disgust social evil of the Yorkshire schools, whose abuses he remembered hearing of as a child and then investigated (whilst wearing a disguise) as part of his research for the novel. As the author said in his fragment of autobiography, we should be devilish thoughtful what we do to children14. Dickens had a long memory and an acute social awareness and both are evident in Nickleby, as is the miasmic exhilaration and appetite for life which had proved so popular in his first novel Pickwick Papers (1836-7). Moreover, Dickens was a successful reformer, commenting in his preface to the 1848 editionThis story was begun, within a few months after the publication of the completed Pickwick Papers. There were, then, a good many cut-rate Yorkshire schools in existence. There are very few now.15The fact is stated simply but the achievement was immense. The obverse of these schools, of cou rse, was seen in Arnolds pioneering work in reforming the public schools, as evidenced in Thomas Hughes, Tom chocolate-browns Schooldays (1857).The issue of social and educational reform was one with which many novelists were concerned at this time, engaging with both the needs and desires of the weakest in society. Engels had identified this as the social war, the war of each against all16 and he applied this as a generic to the multipli city of industrial towns and citiesWhat is certain of capital of the United Kingdom, is true of Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds, is true of all great towns. Everywhere barbarous indifference, heavy(a) egotism on one hand, and nameless misery on the other, all over social warfare, every mans house in a state of siege, over reciprocal plundering under the comfortion of the law, and all so shameless, so openly avowed that one shrinks before the consequences of our social state as they manifest themselves here undisguised, and can only wonder that the whole cracked fabric still hangs together.17Engels work was published between September 1844 and edge 1845 and had an immediate effect on not just those who were, if one may term it so, declared radicals, like himself, but also those like the profoundly dear and widely respected writer Elizabeth Gaskell, whose first novel, bloody shame Barton, written in 1848, partly to assuage the pain of losing her child, deals largely with the scantiness undergo by the poor in Manchester. Gaskell, encouraged by both her husband, the Ereverend William Gaskell, and Dickens, researched the conditions of the city in which she and William were then living. What she found horrified her and the reality of expression present within the novel can be seen in her powerful descriptions of the slum dwellings she had seenOur friends were not dainty, but even out they picked their way, till they got to some clapperclaws conduct down to a small area, where a person standing would have his head about one foot below the level of the street, and baron at the same time, without the least motion of his body, touch the window of the wine cellar and the damp muddy fence right opposite. You went down one step even from the foul area into the cellar in which a family of human beings beings lived. It was very dark inside. The window-panes many of them were broken and stuffed with rags, which was reason enough for the dusky light that pervaded the place even at mid-day. After the account I have given of the state of the street, no one can be surprised that on going into the cellar inhabited by Davenport, the tactual sensation was so foetid as almost to knock the two men down.18The importance of setting such descriptions in the context of fiction might be thought possibly to lessen its reality in the eye of contemporary readers but nothing could be farther from the accuracy, as though few would be drawn to the admirable tracts of Engels, many were attracted to the vivid stories of such as Dickens and Gaskell. Indeed, Gaskell was careful always to ensure that her work did not offend those in power to the fulfilment that she will qualify a passage on the uncaring attitude of the rich as sensed by the poor by adding placatory comments such asI know that this is not really the case and I know what is the truth in such matters but what I wish to impress is what the workman feels and thinks.19The implied separation in comprehension may appear patronising by todays standards but it must be remembered that Gaskell was truly attempting to do as she proclaimed, impress the thoughts and feelings of the workman on those in power in the hope it would aid reform. If she had been too directly challenging, they would simply not have read her works which would have defeated the object.Gaskell faced similar oppositeness in her second novel, shame, published in 1853, when she address the topic of an single(a) mother sympathetically, much too sympathetically for the liking of many, who felt she was undermining the sensed moral and religious mores of the time. The novel was thought to be based upon the true story of a young lady called PasleyIn 1850 she took up the cause of a girl called Pasley whom she had come across in the parvenue Bayley prison. In a long letter to Dickens, at that time involved in his emigration project for move women, she gives details of the case. Pasleys career exemplifies the dangers facing even a girl of respectable parentage who was overleap. The daughter of an Irish clergyman who had died when she was two, she had been neglected by an indifferent mother, and then placed in an orphanage, before beseeming a dressmakers apprentice. Following a series of misfortunes for which she had not herself been responsible she had been seduced by her own doctor. The consequence had been first the Penitentiary and then a career of petty crime finally, by an appalling stroke of coincidence, the poor girl had been confronted when in prison by her very seducer, now acting as prison surgeon.20Certainly, there are many similarities between the case of Pasley and that of Ruth and Gaskells clear intent is to show how difficult was the plight of girls in Ruths and Pasleys situation. Gaskell successfully persuaded Dickens to intervene for Pasley and she emigrated but clearly the case was not forgotten by her as emblematic of the vulnerability of young girls in nineteenth century society. Indeed, she had already addressed the idea that prostitution was the usual fate of such girls in Mary Barton and the petty crime to which she refers might certainly be euphemistically describing prostitution.Attitudes towards prostitution were far from sympathetic and much of the reforming work done at the time concerned not only changing conditions for prostitutes but also in improving the notorious double-standard which operated towards it, both then and now. The Contagious Diseases Acts of 1864, 1866, and 1869 to some extent refl ect this. The Act was established to protect soldiers but had the coincidental effect of advancing the cause of womens liberation legislation intended to protect members of the British armed forces from sexually transmitted diseases ended up electrical a major Victorian feminist movement in which working- and materialistic women worked together for a common cause.21Thus, it can be seen that Gaskells pre-emptive call for truly reflected the feelings of many that Victorian laws operated for the protection of men rather than women and that even though there were exceptions, such as Mill and Dickens, the latter of whom set up Urania Cottage as a refuge for fallen women, the vast majority of the population preferred simply to ignore the suffering and anguish of girls on the streets. Somewhat ironically, compassion towards prostitutes was stirred by the infamous Whitechapel Murders of 1888-91, perpetrated by the still unidentified Jack the Ripper.Even for the so called respectable work ing classes, indeed, in general conditions were appallingly bad, especially in the factories and sweatshops22 which abounded both in capital of the United Kingdom and elsewhere in the country The nineteenth century saw the Englishman turn town dweller and by 1900 three-quarters of the nation lived in towns23. Bearing this in mind, it seems inevitable that conditions in these towns would be at stovepipe difficult and at worst unbearable (the infamous employment of children as, for example, chimney-sweeps, being evident in the work of such as the reformer Charles Kingsley who wrote The urine Babies in 1863 to expose this abuse). Thus, approaching the end of Victorias reign, the population was generally in a state of crisis.However, there was a discernible exception to this, in part, in the base of what we would now take to be an upwardly mobile meritocracy. Consisting largely of those persons concerned with white-collar work, the clerk for example, this section of society knew a growth and freedom such as never before. Possibly the best example of this is to be found in George and Weedon Grossmiths The Diary of a Nobody, first published in lap as a series of articles during 1888-9, in the form of a diary of the fictional Mr. Pooter. The highly amusing work is also an invaluable usher of a new type of man emerging in Victorian societyMy clear wife Carrie and I have just been a week in our new house, The Laurels, Brickfield Terrace, Hollowaya nice six-roomed residence, not counting basement, with a front breakfast-parlour. We have a little front garden and there is a flight of ten steps up to the front door, which, by-the-by, we keep locked with the chain up. Cummings, Gowing, and our other intimate friends always come to the little side entrance, which saves the servant the trouble of going up to the front door, thereby taking her from her work. We have a nice little nates garden which runs down to the railway. We were rather afraid of the noise of the t rains at first, but the landlord said we should not notice them after a bit, and took 2 off the rent. He was certainly right and beyond the cracking of the garden wall at the bottom, we have suffered no inconvenience.24The Pooters encapsulate the image of a new class, living in their own home, employing a servant, having a garden and all the same still retaining their parsimonious connective with their humbler origins in many ways, the Pooters are the future.In conclusion, it may be remarked that the Victorian era saw the greatest end of change that had ever been seen. Industrial development saw riches and poverty in unequal measure improvements were made in nursing and social concerns but the population mostly remained in poverty and both ill-nourished and inadequately cared for in terms of health the trains united the country but the rural population was fragmented and the urban largely in dire stack schooling was expanded and literacy improved but the standard of education wa s at best questionable the Empire flourished but its members across the seas were mostly downtrodden, keep down and rebellious in short, to quote Dickens famous opening to A Tale of Two Cities (1859), it was the best of times and the worst of times. It is highly difficult to assess, in the final analysis, whether the end of Victorias reign saw her people in a better or worsened condition than when her reign began but certainly, the single most important development seen was the opportunity for change. In this sense if no other, the population was better off at the end of the long nineteenth century than at the beginning of it. However, the war that was about to devastate Europe brought apocalyptic changes which could never have been envisaged and certainly Tennysons famous reference in The Charge of the clean-living Brigade (1854) to the fact that Some one had blunderd would take on a profoundly disturbing resonance from which the world over which Victoria presided would never rec over. Truly, 1914 brought more than just the end of an era it brought the end of Victorian mores and the expectations of the population would alter radically, with revolution, such as occurred in Russia in 1917, a endless possibility, especially with the growth of the unions and the neighborlyist Party, which wiped out the Liberals. Victorias reign was not just one age but many and as such, like most eras, was both good and bad.BibliographyAckroyd, Peter. Dickens. 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The Social Conscience of the Early Victorians. Stanford, CA Stanford University Press, 2002.Smiles, Samuel, Self Help. 29.11.08http//www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext97/selfh10h.htmSmiles, Samuel. Industrial Biography Iron-Workers and Tool-Makers. capital of Massachusetts Ticknor and Fields,1864.Sturt, George. Change in the Village. London Caliban Books, 1984.Thompson, Flora. Lark Rise to Candleford. London Penguin, 2008.The Victorian Web. accessed 30.11.08. http//www.victorianweb.org/gender/contagious.htmlWorthen, John. D H Lawrence. The Early Years 1885-1912. Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 1991.1Footnotes1 For more on the idea of changes and loss of traditions see Sturt, George. Change in the Village. London Caliban Books, 1984. ( offset printing published in 1912.)2 Eliot, George. Adam Bede. Oxford Oxford University Press, 1998, p. 12.3 See Mill, J.S. The Subjection of Women. New York Prometheus, 1986.4 Darwin, Charles. The Origin of Species. Oxford Oxford University Press, 1996.5 Hardy, F.E. The Life of Thomas Hardy. London Macmillan, 1962, p. 310.6 Eliot, George. The Lifted Veil. 1878. London Virago Press, 1985, p. 26.7 Kipling, Rudyard. Traffics and Dicoveries. New York Charles Scribners Sons, 1904, p. 337.8 Forster, E.M. Howards End. Harmondsworth Penguin, 1987, p. 43.9 Dickens, C. Hard Times. Oxford Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 8-9.10 Dickens, C. Hard Times. Oxford Oxford University Press, 1989, p. 10.11 Dickens, C. Oliver Twist. Oxford Oxford University Press, 1999, Preface, p. xx.12 Forster, J. The L ife of Charles Dickens in Two Volumes. London J.M. Dent, 1980, vol. I, p. 83.13 Forster, J. The Life of Charles Dickens in Two Volumes. London J.M. Dent, 1980.14 Forster, J. The Life of Charles Dickens in Two Volumes. London J.M. Dent, 1980.15 Dickens, C. Nicholas Nickleby. Oxford Oxford University Press, 1990, Preface to the 1848 Edition, Lii.16 Englels, F. The Condition of the Working class in England (1844) 29.11.08.http//www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/condition-working-class/index.htm17 Englels, F. The Condition of the Working class in England (1844) 29.11.08.http//www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/condition-working-class/index.htm18 Gaskell, Elizabeth. Mary Barton. Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press, 1993, pp. 79-80.19 Gaskell, Elizabeth. Mary Barton. Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press, 1993, p. 49.20 See Alan Shelstons mental home to Gaskell, Elizabeth. Ruth. Oxford Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. vii-viii.21 See The Contagious Diseases Act, accessed 3 0.11.08. http//www.victorianweb.org/gender/contagious.html22 See Mayhew, Henry. The Unknown Mayhew. Harmondsworth Penguin, 1971.23 Mathias, P. The First Industrial Nation. London Routledge, 2001, p. 226.24 Grossmith, G M. The Diary of a Nobody. Oxford Oxford University Press, 1998, p. 3.